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According to Heard-Bey, the UAE possesses a unique political structure. The seven emirates became a federation in 1971, the same year the principalities gained formal independence from the United Kingdom. Weaker leaders felt forced to join the federation, while other rulers felt that all the emirates would become oil producers and thus enjoy shared economic equality. Though initially many spectators were skeptical of the federal structure, Heard-Bey argued that it proved to be one of the country’s greatest strengths.

In the early 1970s, it appeared that the individual emirates would unite gradually over time under a strong, centralized authority. However, while a national identity has formed, each emirate has also maintained its own separate political and economic integrity, as reflected in the constitutional crises of 1976 and 1979. During the first constitutional crisis, intellectuals called for a more unified state and the abolition of Article 23 of the Provisional Constitution, which stipulated that local ruling authorities should control local resources. The second constitutional crisis ended with the Supreme Council’s rejection of a memorandum that recommended the abolition of internal borders and an end to arms purchases by individual emirates. The federal structure and internal constitutional debates reveal the tense relationship between the central administration and the power vested in individual emirates. In an effort to maintain the status quo, the Supreme Council continued to elect Sheikh Zayed as president every five years, and adopted the Provisional Constitution of 1971 as the country’s permanent constitution in 1996.

The UAE is also economically unique. It has progressed from a largely poor and illiterate population to a country facing the challenges of sudden wealth. Sheikh Zayed, as former leader of the wealthiest emirate, Abu Dhabi, used his principality’s wealth to develop the rest of the country. He traveled to all the emirates, directing projects and receiving feedback from inhabitants. In order to deflect resentment among other emirate rulers, Sheikh Zayed would bankroll each royal family’s projects and help them respond to the demands of their people. As a result, each emirate is economically distinctive and focuses on different industries.

The UAE’s social distinctiveness lies in its demography and tribal identities. Eighty to eighty-five percent of the UAE’s four million inhabitants are foreigners, mostly from the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia. Because UAE nationals are constantly aware of their minority status, a strong sense of unity has developed across internal borders. UAE "locals" have come to perceive themselves as UAE citizens, creating a strong feeling of national solidarity. UAE nationals, therefore, experience a unique identity: they are simultaneously loyal to the tribal ruler of their specific emirate and to the national government. The recent loss of President Sheikh Zayed underscored the importance of the UAE’s national identity. However, Heard-Bey wonders whether the non-national majority will accept continued disenfranchisement despite their increasing stake in the country’s economic development.

During the question and answer session, Heard-Bey addressed Sheikh Zayed’s tactful engagement of the Arab world. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, other Arab countries considered the UAE, Qatar, and Bahrain colonial remnants. Sheikh Zayed nevertheless established connections with other Arab countries by acting as an "Arab brother." Heard-Bey also discussed democratic reform for the UAE’s Federal National Council. The individual emirates currently have differing methods for selecting their council delegates. Heard-Bey believes that because of the UAE’s federal system, it would be difficult to dictate the methods by which individual emirates must choose their delegates. However, she considers democratization an important issue and commends the appointment of the first female minister and the increased participation of nationals in government.