What was intended as a meeting of European and Arab leaders in Spain recently turned out to be mostly empty seats. It is a potent reminder of how wide the gap remains between the two sides of the Mediterranean.
As the still simmering French riots and Dutch uneasiness remind us, even the most secularized countries in Europe are struggling to make sense of their own national identity in the face of mounting Islamism and the threat of terrorism among their own citizens of Muslim and Arab origin.
Though heralded as one of the finest hours of European foreign policy, the Brussels approach to the Maghreb and the Middle East is nonetheless the pursuit of narrow continental interests. Beyond a difference in tone between its soft stand, largely driven by economic development, migration, and rule of law, and Washington’s hard line efforts in the region, which are mainly driven by military and counter-terrorism concerns, the Brussels approach crucially misses the opportunity to foster economic development and long-term stability in North Africa.
There is much to gain from a joint effort to spur investment and create a common market in the region. According to a study by the International Monetary Fund, a regional market in North Africa will increase foreign direct investment by 62% in Algeria, 85% in Morocco and 165% in Tunisia.
But the North African countries’ failure to establish a regional free trade area — due to long-standing disputes, such as the status of Western Sahara, and hegemonic ambitions, particularly Morocco versus Algeria — is an issue that should have been addressed squarely and jointly by the European Union (EU) and the US. Besides fostering economic growth to help secure strategic objectives, the US and EU’s respective free trade accords reveal a striking lack of transatlantic convergence. The United States and European Union could have more effectively encouraged the resolution of regional problems by linking progress to economic incentives. Joint US-EU pressure could have been used to make the removal of regional obstacles a pre-condition for signing trade agreements with North Africa. Normalization of relations with Libya is also a case in point.
Morocco, for example, is the biggest recipient of EU aid and is a favorite of US support. The government signed separate trade agreements recently with the US and the EU, which could have been used as strategic leverage to pressure Morocco to seek more actively a resolution of the Western Sahara dispute.
Efforts to set up a regional free trade area would also exclude Algeria and Libya. Yet both states are strong candidates for future growth in oil production. Keeping them within a regional free trade area would enhance energy security for both Europe and the United States, especially their international oil firms.
Without North Africans doing their homework and the correct and coherent signals coming from across the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, the old asymmetric game continues: North African states wishing for bilateral security guarantees get soft security piecemeal handouts, which is unlikely to create a stable Mediterranean basin. Without economic growth based on regional and international trade, there is still the twin curse of a failed economic and political model that renders conservative regimes from Morocco to Jordan more prone to terrorist recruits and suicide attacks.
The primary step in securing growth and countering the spread of terrorism needs to be coordinated policies between Washington and Brussels. Common long-term interests in security and development in the region are far more important than short-term gains in strengthening ties with key regional allies that only play into the hands of hegemonic agendas.
Furthermore, a common declaration on stability and security in the Maghreb should clarify what would be required from both sides in terms of settling regional disputes and promoting cooperation.
Finally, a regional security dialogue — a permanent organization for North Africa with perhaps the Sahel countries — should assist the implementation of regional and bilateral accords and provide a forum to resolve disputes and organize security cooperation in counter-terrorism efforts.
Free trade and economic growth in North Africa would not only provide stability in a strategically significant and volatile region, but would also contribute to a much needed security and economic buffer, as well act as a bridge between a desperately poor sub-Saharan Africa and an inward-looking Europe.
Jacques Roussellier is an adjunct scholar at the Middle East Institute. He previously was spokesperson for the United Nations peacekeeping operations in Western Sahara, political affairs officer for UN peacekeeping operations in the Tajikistan and the Central African Republic.
Disclaimer: Assertions and opinions in this Commentary are solely those of the above-mentioned author(s) and do not reflect necessarily the views of the Middle East Institute, which expressly does not take positions on Middle East policy.
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What was intended as a meeting of European and Arab leaders in Spain recently turned out to be mostly empty seats. It is a potent reminder of how wide the gap remains between the two sides of the Mediterranean.
As the still simmering French riots and Dutch uneasiness remind us, even the most secularized countries in Europe are struggling to make sense of their own national identity in the face of mounting Islamism and the threat of terrorism among their own citizens of Muslim and Arab origin.
Though heralded as one of the finest hours of European foreign policy, the Brussels approach to the Maghreb and the Middle East is nonetheless the pursuit of narrow continental interests. Beyond a difference in tone between its soft stand, largely driven by economic development, migration, and rule of law, and Washington’s hard line efforts in the region, which are mainly driven by military and counter-terrorism concerns, the Brussels approach crucially misses the opportunity to foster economic development and long-term stability in North Africa.
There is much to gain from a joint effort to spur investment and create a common market in the region. According to a study by the International Monetary Fund, a regional market in North Africa will increase foreign direct investment by 62% in Algeria, 85% in Morocco and 165% in Tunisia.
But the North African countries’ failure to establish a regional free trade area — due to long-standing disputes, such as the status of Western Sahara, and hegemonic ambitions, particularly Morocco versus Algeria — is an issue that should have been addressed squarely and jointly by the European Union (EU) and the US. Besides fostering economic growth to help secure strategic objectives, the US and EU’s respective free trade accords reveal a striking lack of transatlantic convergence. The United States and European Union could have more effectively encouraged the resolution of regional problems by linking progress to economic incentives. Joint US-EU pressure could have been used to make the removal of regional obstacles a pre-condition for signing trade agreements with North Africa. Normalization of relations with Libya is also a case in point.
Morocco, for example, is the biggest recipient of EU aid and is a favorite of US support. The government signed separate trade agreements recently with the US and the EU, which could have been used as strategic leverage to pressure Morocco to seek more actively a resolution of the Western Sahara dispute.
Efforts to set up a regional free trade area would also exclude Algeria and Libya. Yet both states are strong candidates for future growth in oil production. Keeping them within a regional free trade area would enhance energy security for both Europe and the United States, especially their international oil firms.
Without North Africans doing their homework and the correct and coherent signals coming from across the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, the old asymmetric game continues: North African states wishing for bilateral security guarantees get soft security piecemeal handouts, which is unlikely to create a stable Mediterranean basin. Without economic growth based on regional and international trade, there is still the twin curse of a failed economic and political model that renders conservative regimes from Morocco to Jordan more prone to terrorist recruits and suicide attacks.
The primary step in securing growth and countering the spread of terrorism needs to be coordinated policies between Washington and Brussels. Common long-term interests in security and development in the region are far more important than short-term gains in strengthening ties with key regional allies that only play into the hands of hegemonic agendas.
Furthermore, a common declaration on stability and security in the Maghreb should clarify what would be required from both sides in terms of settling regional disputes and promoting cooperation.
Finally, a regional security dialogue — a permanent organization for North Africa with perhaps the Sahel countries — should assist the implementation of regional and bilateral accords and provide a forum to resolve disputes and organize security cooperation in counter-terrorism efforts.
Free trade and economic growth in North Africa would not only provide stability in a strategically significant and volatile region, but would also contribute to a much needed security and economic buffer, as well act as a bridge between a desperately poor sub-Saharan Africa and an inward-looking Europe.
Jacques Roussellier is an adjunct scholar at the Middle East Institute. He previously was spokesperson for the United Nations peacekeeping operations in Western Sahara, political affairs officer for UN peacekeeping operations in the Tajikistan and the Central African Republic.