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This Perspective originally appeared in the February 27, 2006 edition of the Newark Star-Ledger and the March 3, 2006 edition of the Miami Herald.
The sudden outcry by some members of Congress, state and local officials, and pundits about the United Arab Emirates port deal has the odor of election-year politics. I see a lot of statements that ignore the facts and are designed to play on the fears of the American public. The facts do not support the political rhetoric about security.
If our ports are indeed vulnerable, that vulnerability has nothing to do with the companies that manage them. Port security is regulated by the Department of Homeland Security, US Customs, the Coast Guard, and border protection authorities, not by private contractors. Port employees must be American citizens or legal permanent residents. No private company will own or manage any of our ports — the UAE company, Dubai Ports World, would only manage and operate terminals within the port.
More to the point, by the time a container has entered one of our ports and been off-loaded for further processing, it is probably too late to avert a nuclear or biological attack. Ports are located in major metropolitan areas where the effects of such an attack, even if centered in the port area, would have devastating consequences. The Container Security Initiative is the critical piece in the port security puzzle.
The UAE was the first Middle Eastern state to join this US-sponsored initiative. Under its provisions, customs and border protection officers are permanently located in UAE ports to inspect containers before shipment to the United States. The UAE was also the first Middle Eastern state to join the Energy Department's Megaports Initiative, designed to stop illicit shipments of nuclear and other radioactive material. In short, we already depend on the cooperation of the UAE and its management company to ensure the security of US ports, regardless of this proposed contract.
In more general terms, the UAE has been a key ally in the fight against Saddam Hussein, both in 1991 when I was the US Ambassador to the UAE, and more recently in support of our efforts in Iraq. Since 1990, the UAE has entertained more port visits by US naval vessels than any other nation. In the war period of 1990-91 alone, more than 300,000 American sailors were able to take liberty in the UAE (and all on the basis of a handshake between the UAE ruler, Sheik Zayed, and myself). We had multiple squadrons of fighter, tanker, and reconnaissance aircraft stationed at UAE airports. Today our planes are able to use UAE facilities and we work together at the UAE Air Warfare Center, where our pilots are able to train.
Like the United States and most countries in the Middle East, the UAE was asleep at the switch when it came to al Qaeda prior to September 11, 2001. But since that time we have had outstanding cooperation on curtailing terrorist financial operations. Working with the Treasury Department, the UAE has enacted aggressive anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing laws. Information exchange between intelligence and financial authorities is continuous and far-reaching.
When our politicians ignore these facts and challenge the UAE's support for American interests, it looks more like racial profiling and political grandstanding than honest concern about US security. The fact that a few UAE citizens have joined al Qaeda is not a reason to condemn an entire country, just as we cannot and should not take the blame for the actions of every US citizen.
The fact that the UAE was the site of financial transactions supporting terrorist organizations before 9/11 is no more relevant today than the fact that the US supported the Taliban against the Soviets in Afghanistan or that American citizens financially supported terrorist organizations before systematic reforms we put in place after 9/11.
Members of Congress need to consider carefully the impact of reneging on this contract. Identifying the UAE as complicit in terrorism will sour a relationship that has been essential for our forces in the region and the continued safety and well-being of our troops. It will also anger the population of the UAE and put pressure on the government to terminate or limit UAE cooperation with the United States.
It may also put our ports in greater jeopardy if the UAE becomes less rigorous or less cooperative in the Container Security and Megaports Initiatives. We will be no safer and possibly a good deal less safe. Let us hope that we do not jeopardize our relations with a country that is a key player in the war against terror just to score a few points against the President and his administration.
Edward S. Walker, Jr. is President of the Middle East Institute. He previously served as Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs, US Ambassador to Israel, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates, and Deputy Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations.