Kuwait is in the midst of a political transformation. The past month has showcased the first youth movement demanding political reform and more backbone from their political representatives. Parliament has been dissolved. The new election, now set for the end of June, will reveal more registered women voters than men and promises to further the reform process. Eligible Kuwaiti female voters outnumber Kuwaiti men four to three.
Yes, Kuwait’s executive still wields undue influence over its democratically-elected parliament, but the latest developments clearly indicate radical change is underway. Democratic practices are entrenched and expanding.
Kuwait’s Emir exercised his constitutional authority to dissolve parliament on May 22 in response to increasing criticism within parliament and society over the number of constituencies in legislative elections. Kuwaitis currently vote in 25 constituencies, or electoral districts. Liberal, Islamist, Shia and centrist parliamentarians in Kuwait found common cause, arguing that the high number of electoral districts encourages corruption by making vote buying easier. It also privileges smaller constituencies and enables candidates to run on tribal affiliation rather than broad national platforms.
When the government appeared to back away from a reform proposal initiated in May, more than half the 50 members of parliament walked out in protest. This dramatic move was preceded by an unprecedented public pressure campaign from a customarily powerless sector of Kuwaiti society.
Debate over the constituencies sparked the birth of a youth campaign for reform that labeled itself the “Orange Movement” for the color its activists wore. The Orange Movement represented diverse groups of Kuwaiti youth, conservatives and liberals, women and men, who gathered and slept in front of the National Assembly and in the gallery and organized rallies using the internet and cell phone text messaging. They distributed materials lobbying the government to address corruption in the political system by reducing the number of electoral constituencies to five.
The mobilization of Kuwait’s youth around this reformist agenda startled the government as well as society. Kuwaiti youth, well versed in electoral politics from active campaigns for student representatives in university, are no longer content to sit on the sidelines. Their political influence is demonstrated by their numbers and will only grow. Nearly 40 percent of the population is under 25. The voting age in Kuwait is 21.
It was pressure from youth groups that prevented efforts to soften the reform process through a government-backed proposal to consolidate the districts into ten. The government was charged with flip-flopping on reform, and facing a legislative deadlock, the Emir chose to dissolve parliament and schedule elections for June 29.
The acceleration of Kuwait’s next legislative election by more than a year brings to the forefront another major transformation within the political system. A year ago, Kuwaiti women were given the right to vote and run for office. Women are already well integrated into the economic, educational and civic spheres, and had begun to develop political platforms for the July 2007 legislative elections immediately after receiving the right to vote. After the parliament was dissolved and, with only two weeks to declare candidacy, Kuwaiti women quickly answered those who questioned if their enfranchisement could affect the domestic political scene.
Thirty-two Kuwaiti women have declared their candidacy for parliament. Women have rented large tents to campaign in traditional Kuwaiti style, host prospective voters and speak to mixed groups about their platforms. The most striking effect of their participation has been the immediate transformation of political platforms of both male and female candidates to reflect long-neglected political concerns of Kuwaiti women.
It is premature to suggest that Kuwaiti women will vote for different candidates than their husbands, fathers and brothers did in the past. Evidence from Kuwait University, where women make up around 67 percent of the voting student body, indicates Kuwaiti women routinely elect male and Islamist candidates. Still, it is clear that all political candidates have quickly learned to respect the power Kuwaiti women now wield.
Both male and female candidates show a new commitment to reforming laws that have left Kuwaiti women as second-class citizens. One law getting a lot of attention in campaign speeches is the nationality law that prevents Kuwaiti women who have non-citizen husbands from passing Kuwaiti citizenship to their children.
Kuwait’s political system is in flux. Gone are the days when the Emir could dissolve parliament without declaring elections within the constitutionally-mandated two months, as the former Emir did in 1986. Some analysts suggest the move to dissolve parliament allows the powerful executive to shrink the political space for debate and reform. This may be true, but it overlooks just how far Kuwaitis have come in transforming their political system.
Kuwaiti women and youth are flexing their newfound political muscle with dramatic results. The Orange Movement has taught Kuwait’s youth they can successfully voice their political views and gain public support. Kuwaiti women have shown they can and will vote and run for office, despite death threats against some female candidates. These new voices appear determined to make sure Kuwait’s democratic reforms endure.
Jennifer McElhinny is the Managing Editor of The Middle East Journal. She recently visited Kuwait to track the progress of women’s political development.
Disclaimer: Assertions and opinions in this Commentary are solely those of the above-mentioned author(s) and do not reflect necessarily the views of the Middle East Institute, which expressly does not take positions on Middle East policy.
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Kuwait is in the midst of a political transformation. The past month has showcased the first youth movement demanding political reform and more backbone from their political representatives. Parliament has been dissolved. The new election, now set for the end of June, will reveal more registered women voters than men and promises to further the reform process. Eligible Kuwaiti female voters outnumber Kuwaiti men four to three.
Yes, Kuwait’s executive still wields undue influence over its democratically-elected parliament, but the latest developments clearly indicate radical change is underway. Democratic practices are entrenched and expanding.
Kuwait’s Emir exercised his constitutional authority to dissolve parliament on May 22 in response to increasing criticism within parliament and society over the number of constituencies in legislative elections. Kuwaitis currently vote in 25 constituencies, or electoral districts. Liberal, Islamist, Shia and centrist parliamentarians in Kuwait found common cause, arguing that the high number of electoral districts encourages corruption by making vote buying easier. It also privileges smaller constituencies and enables candidates to run on tribal affiliation rather than broad national platforms.
When the government appeared to back away from a reform proposal initiated in May, more than half the 50 members of parliament walked out in protest. This dramatic move was preceded by an unprecedented public pressure campaign from a customarily powerless sector of Kuwaiti society.
Debate over the constituencies sparked the birth of a youth campaign for reform that labeled itself the “Orange Movement” for the color its activists wore. The Orange Movement represented diverse groups of Kuwaiti youth, conservatives and liberals, women and men, who gathered and slept in front of the National Assembly and in the gallery and organized rallies using the internet and cell phone text messaging. They distributed materials lobbying the government to address corruption in the political system by reducing the number of electoral constituencies to five.
The mobilization of Kuwait’s youth around this reformist agenda startled the government as well as society. Kuwaiti youth, well versed in electoral politics from active campaigns for student representatives in university, are no longer content to sit on the sidelines. Their political influence is demonstrated by their numbers and will only grow. Nearly 40 percent of the population is under 25. The voting age in Kuwait is 21.
It was pressure from youth groups that prevented efforts to soften the reform process through a government-backed proposal to consolidate the districts into ten. The government was charged with flip-flopping on reform, and facing a legislative deadlock, the Emir chose to dissolve parliament and schedule elections for June 29.
The acceleration of Kuwait’s next legislative election by more than a year brings to the forefront another major transformation within the political system. A year ago, Kuwaiti women were given the right to vote and run for office. Women are already well integrated into the economic, educational and civic spheres, and had begun to develop political platforms for the July 2007 legislative elections immediately after receiving the right to vote. After the parliament was dissolved and, with only two weeks to declare candidacy, Kuwaiti women quickly answered those who questioned if their enfranchisement could affect the domestic political scene.
Thirty-two Kuwaiti women have declared their candidacy for parliament. Women have rented large tents to campaign in traditional Kuwaiti style, host prospective voters and speak to mixed groups about their platforms. The most striking effect of their participation has been the immediate transformation of political platforms of both male and female candidates to reflect long-neglected political concerns of Kuwaiti women.
It is premature to suggest that Kuwaiti women will vote for different candidates than their husbands, fathers and brothers did in the past. Evidence from Kuwait University, where women make up around 67 percent of the voting student body, indicates Kuwaiti women routinely elect male and Islamist candidates. Still, it is clear that all political candidates have quickly learned to respect the power Kuwaiti women now wield.
Both male and female candidates show a new commitment to reforming laws that have left Kuwaiti women as second-class citizens. One law getting a lot of attention in campaign speeches is the nationality law that prevents Kuwaiti women who have non-citizen husbands from passing Kuwaiti citizenship to their children.
Kuwait’s political system is in flux. Gone are the days when the Emir could dissolve parliament without declaring elections within the constitutionally-mandated two months, as the former Emir did in 1986. Some analysts suggest the move to dissolve parliament allows the powerful executive to shrink the political space for debate and reform. This may be true, but it overlooks just how far Kuwaitis have come in transforming their political system.
Kuwaiti women and youth are flexing their newfound political muscle with dramatic results. The Orange Movement has taught Kuwait’s youth they can successfully voice their political views and gain public support. Kuwaiti women have shown they can and will vote and run for office, despite death threats against some female candidates. These new voices appear determined to make sure Kuwait’s democratic reforms endure.
Jennifer McElhinny is the Managing Editor of The Middle East Journal. She recently visited Kuwait to track the progress of women’s political development.