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Media concern about the human tragedy in Darfur has evoked more confrontational, punitive writing than constructive suggestions aimed at bringing the human suffering, loss of life, and displacement to a speedy end. Sanctions, stigmatizing the Sudanese Government as genocidal, dispatching military forces, and regime change have all been suggested. Some of these measures would be ineffective; others would require diplomatic and logistical action that would require more time than should be tolerated for the continuation of a human tragedy of such gigantic proportions.

Congress declared that the events occurring in the vast region of Western Sudan constitute genocide. When the Secretary of State followed suit on September 9, several current members of the United Nations Security Council, including France, Germany, China, and Pakistan, hastened to say that this would only complicate matters. The government may well be, deliberately or unwittingly, implicated in genocide. However, short of swift, massive military intervention, the government's cooperation, or at least acquiescence, in any immediate or future action is indispensable. Without the active and generous cooperation of the international community, a speedy solution is unlikely. The international community will have to reach an objective consensus on the nature of the crimes and violations of humanitarian law and track down offenders in order to bring them to justice. At the present juncture, however, more attention should be given to the provision of security and desperately needed humanitarian relief for victims. The unilateral judgment passed by the US government may well delay securing cooperation to achieve this end.

The three primary causes of the current conflict in Darfur are the drought of the 1980s, the disruption of the tribal administrative system, and the use of militias as an instrument of war by proxy. The drought decreased the amount of life-sustaining land and also increased the number and gravity of disputes among the mostly Arab herders and African cultivators. Meanwhile, the current government altered local administrations by replacing the legislative, judicial, and tax-collecting powers of traditional tribal chiefs with emirs, or governors, usually chosen for their faithfulness to the regime. The traditional tribal councils were far more successful in dealing with disputes and maintaining order throughout the region than the current, local administrations. Lastly, and most importantly, the government’s use of janjaweed militias in order to quickly and quietly stamp out rebellions led by the two main opposition groups, the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA), has resulted in massive human rights violations and a complete lack of security in the Darfur region.

In order to end the current crisis, short-term and long-term measures must be taken. The Sudanese government must disarm the janjaweed, fully cooperate with and facilitate the work of relief workers, contribute to the provision of relief aid, and withdraw its regular and irregular forces from the region. Moreover, the African Union’s (AU) mission must be expanded with US and EU logistical and financial support to include disarming the janjaweed, providing security around the camps, and ensuring the safe return of displaced persons. The international community must increase pressure on the Sudanese government and rebel parties to reach a political agreement based upon broad principles. In addition, the Sudanese government and opposition parties should participate in a national conference with international observers in order to understand the root causes of the Darfur crisis and avoid future catastrophes.