America's international standing has reached its nadir because of a foreign policy that is guided by faith in the universal applicability of democracy. Democracy cannot be imposed in Iraq or anywhere else, and the best course of action for America would be to terminate its involvement in reconstruction efforts and "run" from Iraq.
Apprehending American involvement in Iraq begins with an understanding of American character. Americans look at themselves "as decent, warm, friendly, democratic people" and believe our international endeavors will be appreciated. Visceral animosity is dismissed with the explanation that we are hated for our freedom and liberties. This is complemented by popular ignorance; most Americans cannot find Iraq on a map. The experience in Iraq proves Ambrose Bierce's quip that "war is God's way of teaching Americans geography."
Consequently, Americans are reluctant to accept other perspectives. Peck affirmed the adage that "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter." Yet most Americans refuse to accept that historical figures integral in American independence, such as Lafayette and Baron von Steuben, could be cast in the same roles as foreign jihadis operating in Iraq. Americans also believe that because democracy forms the basis of our successful government, it is the best form internationally. Peck characterized this belief as America's "secular religion" spread by soldiers willing to convert the Middle East by sword.
This approach fundamentally misunderstands democracy. "To impose democracy is an oxymoron," explained Peck. Democracy is not something that can appear immediately. Lacking democratic institutions or any previous experience with democracy, there is "no manual or guide" to which the Iraqis can turn. The current administration remains unaffected by these tensions. The recent statement by the Bush administration that "Iraq now has the first truly representative institution in the country's history" ignores the contradiction that externally appointed representatives are not indigenous leadership.
The fervor to establish democracies throughout the world overlooks other important considerations. For example, Arab democracies might not be pro-Western. "What if an Iraqi democracy re-elected Saddam?" challenged Peck. Nor could we predict the trajectory of the country. Peck cited the State Department's appraisal of Marshal Tito, whose passing was expected to herald a flourishing democracy in Yugoslavia.
Peck was stridently pessimistic about American prospects in Iraq and the region. America must abandon the agenda set forth by the Project for the New American Century and its plan to coerce democracy. On the subject of Iraq specifically, he characterized the current situation as a "gross, ghastly error which has become a serious catastrophe that is heading for a disaster of galactic proportions." Even passing the situation to the UN would do little to improve American standing, as many Iraqis remain resentful over the aborted invasion in 1991 and UN sanctions.
Describing himself as a Republican who "takes a backseat in patriotism to no one," Peck advised American policymakers to learn from George Orwell's Animal Farm and abandon myths of the Wild West. As the pigs assume the characteristics of the former elite in Orwell's parable, so have Americans become like the former Iraqi rulers. This is particularly true in light of the recent Abu Ghraib prison revelations. American forces also cannot enter Fallujah and assassinate the crooked sheriff in the vein of classic Westerns. The US should "run" from the chaos in Iraq because our efforts are futile and counterproductive. According to Peck, America is "the greatest nation that ever was and possibly the greatest nation that ever will be," but there is no reason to lose more American lives to achieve an impossible goal.
Edward Peck served as Chief of Mission in Baghdad and later held senior posts in Washington and abroad. He also served as a Foreign Service Officer in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Egypt, and as Ambassador in Mauritania. At the State Department he served as Deputy Director of Covert Intelligence Programs, Director of the Office of Egyptian Affairs and as Special Assistant to the Under Secretary for Political Affairs. He served in the US Army as a paratrooper.
Ethan Arnheim, Programs Officer at the Middle East Institute, wrote this summary.